Two liberal challengers test Georgia’s entrenched Supreme Court

“Our Georgia Supreme Court must be our last line of defense against near-constant attacks on Georgians’ basic constitutional rights, from voting rights to reproductive freedom — and this court majority is failing to meet the moment,” Jordan said.

The challengers are buoyed by recent nonpartisan judicial elections in other competitive states, including Michigan and Wisconsin, where left-leaning candidates have gained ground. If history is any guide, though, they face an uphill climb here ahead of the May 19 vote.

Since the Georgia Supreme Court was established in 1845, incumbents who seek another term have almost always prevailed. The last time a sitting justice lost reelection was in 1922, when Richard Russell Sr. unseated Chief Justice William Fish, according to research compiled by Atlanta litigator Eric Larson.

The combination of incumbency, Georgia’s appointment-driven system and the fact that judicial elections are decided during lower-turnout primaries rather than November general elections has proved a formidable shield.

The most recent test came in 2024, when former Democratic U.S. Rep. John Barrow tried to turn a Supreme Court race into a referendum on abortion rights.

Credit: AJC

Credit: AJC

He ran an unusually ideological campaign for a judicial candidate, pledging to support abortion rights and openly criticizing Georgia’s 2019 law that bans most procedures after six weeks. But the race never became the statewide crusade he envisioned.

Pinson, by contrast, ran a more traditional judicial playbook to win another six-year term.

He avoided discussing specific issues that could come before the court and leaned on a bipartisan roster of backers. He also benefited from support from Gov. Brian Kemp, who appointed him.

Some Republicans argued Pinson’s 10-point win showed abortion rights were not the political force Democrats believed them to be, while others cautioned against drawing sweeping conclusions from a low-turnout judicial contest.

Pinson framed the result less as a statement on abortion and more as a rejection of politicizing the courts.

Georgia, for its part, has largely avoided the multimillion-dollar judicial battles that have shaped high-profile races in other states. In Wisconsin, for instance, more than $30 million was spent in a 2023 contest for a swing seat on that state’s high court.

That’s partly because of the structure of Georgia’s system. Most justices are appointed to the bench, run as incumbents and step down before their term ends. The governor then chooses a replacement who runs as an incumbent and repeats the cycle.

Challenges remain rare. In the last cycle, Pinson was the only one of four justices on the ballot to face an opponent. Only a handful of sitting justices have confronted serious threats over the past three decades.

Credit: Natrice Miller/AJC

Credit: Natrice Miller/AJC

Bethel, a former GOP state senator, is among them. Selected for an open seat by then-Gov. Nathan Deal in 2018, he scored a four-point victory in 2020 over Beth Beskin, a former Republican state legislator. Warren, another Deal appointee, trounced a lesser-known rival in that same election.

Rankin said she plans to focus her campaign on restoring public trust in the judiciary and reinforcing the court’s independence.

“Our Supreme Court carries an enormous responsibility,” she said. “A justice must approach every case with independence, careful judgment, and respect for the Constitution and the law — without political pressure or personal agenda.”